Ciaran Mulholland
An Introduction to a Series of Articles
It is the duty of Marxist revolutionaries to act as the memory of the working class, of its struggles, its victories, and its defeats. A serious Marxist force must ensure also that it retains an accurate collective memory of its own positions, activities and role.
On July 20th, 2024, the Socialist Party in Ireland (SP) withdrew from the organisation which linked it with other groups across the globe, the International Socialist Alternative (ISA), after a decision taken at a one-day conference. This decision resulted from a bitter dispute within the ISA, and further splits have unfolded in a chaotic fashion across 2024 and into 2025.
In a Facebook post on July 21st, 2024, a prominent member of the SP, Dominic Haugh, sought to explain its trajectory. The SP was a section of the Committee for a Workers International (CWI, established in 1974) until 2019, and of the ISA from 2020. It is now the main force behind “The Project for a Revolutionary Marxist International”.
In his attack on previous co-thinkers, Dominic states, “The SP in Ireland recognizes that capitalist oppression can come in many forms, including racism, repression of LGBTQ+ people, repression of women, etc”.
He continues: “despite claims to the contrary, the CWI leadership never prioritized the issues of women’s oppression or oppression of LGBTQ plus people, and in reality, only given intermittent priority to fighting racism. The adoption of a socialist feminist approach by the Irish section of the CWI… …was transformative in recognizing that movements against oppression were coming to the fore, and Marxists need to adapt to developments”.
A Facebook post does not normally require a developed response, but in this case, we took this opportunity because it reveals a wider narrative. It is necessary for the current leadership of the SP to diminish or deny the past in order to exaggerate the merits of its own role today. In this narrative a far-sighted group of comrades seized upon new ideas, in opposition to the old and conservative leaderships (national and international) of the past. Dominic Haugh amplifies and broadcasts this argument, but he did not create it alone. It reflects more developed material published by the SP. This material is one-sided and tendentious, designed to boost the status of the current leadership and to denigrate the records of all others. An accurate account of the past has not been provided to the new generation of young members of the SP, as to do so would be to undermine the dominant narrative.
Dominic makes much of his 40 years of experience in the Socialist Party and he is entitled to do so, but he does not represent the views of all comrades. In Northern Ireland the majority of long-standing comrades, who struggled to build a Marxist alternative over the years before 2000, and who remain active, are no longer members of the SP. They have different memories, and a different analysis and they are also entitled to have their say. More importantly the new generation are entitled to hear it. An inaccurate or partial account is not of assistance to comrades who are seeking a way forward in a difficult and complex period; but is also insulting to the comrades who made our history, some of whom are now deceased.
We have a responsibility to maintain our collective memory, to periodically analyse past positions, and to learn from doing so. In a series of articles, we will provide detailed political accounts of our role in fighting oppression. In a final article a balance sheet of this work will be put forward.
The focus is on the 1980s, 1990s and the first decade of this century – we are following Dominic’s 40-year time frame, but with less focus on the last decade, precisely because others are seeking to make the case of a qualitative break in the development of the Socialist Party, which we can assume, in their view, occurred in the last 10 or perhaps 15 years.
Our account is focused much more on the north of Ireland (Northern Ireland) than on the South (Republic of Ireland). There are two reasons for this. One is that it is easier to write about struggles in which one participated, and those who contributed to these accounts are mostly comrades who are, and were, active in the North. It is also the case, however, that some of the campaigns we feature (anti-racist and anti-fascist) were more a feature of our work in the North than the South in this period.
Militant in Ireland (later Militant Labour from 1993 to 1996, and then the Socialist Party from 1996) has an exemplary record of countering racist ideas, and racist attacks. We directly confronted dangerous fascist groups with links with armed paramilitary organisations. We will describe events and our activities in 1984, when we challenged the National Front through the Labour Movement Campaign Against Fascism, and in 2004 when the Fascists Out Campaign swept the White Nationalist Party off the streets.
Also, during this period, we organised activities through Youth Against Sectarianism (YAS), which was the Northern Ireland affiliate of Youth Against Racism in Europe (YRE). YAS involved hundreds of young people in meetings, demonstrations and gigs, in a stand against the storm of sectarian massacres in the two years which preceded the paramilitary ceasefires in 1994. We linked the activities of YAS to YRE and brought young people to anti-racist and anti-fascist demonstrations in London and Belgium.
We will describe the stance that comrades in Militant and the Young Socialists (YS) took in defence of the Brook Advisory Centre (established to provide sex education and services for young people) in Belfast in 1992-1993 and we will examine the record of Militant and the YS on defending the rights of LBGTQ+ people. We will explain how the members of YAS were drawn into the campaign to defend the Brook Centre and into campaigning work alongside activists in Gays and Lesbians Against Discrimination (GLAD).
In a concluding article we will draw a balance sheet of the work over this period. We must not forget the context in which we fought: our struggle to maintain an absolute, overriding and sharp focus on the class issues, in extremely difficult times. We examined each issue and campaign carefully through the prism of class and sought ways to raise demands in a manner that would reach out to workers, in particular, young workers. In the North, we were always careful to ensure that our positions and our work would attract both Catholic and Protestant workers and youth.
On issues of special oppression, we can say now that we could, and should, have done more. Without equivocation, there were weaknesses in the past with regards to work amongst women and with regards to the oppression of LGBTQ+ community. Our record on countering racism and fascism is stronger but also benefits from a process of review and reconsideration.
On issues of oppression, we tended to be reactive rather than proactive. Change was required, in Ireland and internationally. Change could have been introduced thoughtfully through discussion and agreement, and the testing of ideas in practice. However, instead of a sober and careful discussion, or series of discussions, there was an eruption of bitter argument, and a series of splits. As a result, there has been a splintering of our forces.
The SP leadership is responsible for its own actions, but the calamitous events of the last years are in no small part the result of the over-reaction of the International Secretariat of the CWI (IS) to change and to proposals for change, revealing a conservative approach. The IS escalated quickly when contentious issues first emerged in 2018, leading to a fractious debate which was not helpful in clarifying the issues. The IS then prematurely guillotined any further debate by its decision to split the CWI in 2019. When the ISA was formed it also failed to clarify the issues, established a dysfunctional regime, and the splits continued.
The process of dissolution of the forces assembled by the CWI prior to 2019 has not yet concluded. Many comrades are demoralised and confused. It is vitally important that we now rethink and reconsider. We all need to think our way through new issues and changing times, but we need to do so based on rationality, the scientific Marxist method, a full understanding of the past, and with a sense of modesty and humility. Despite a deeply damaging process of disintegration and dissolution there remain significant forces committed to Marxism and the building of a world party of revolution. Discussion and debate will help all comrades as we consider the way forward.
Note: if any comrade wishes to address any gaps, omissions or deficits in these accounts we would welcome this. Any further information on the past-personal accounts, written material, media coverage or photographs-will contribute to a fuller account, and an improved understanding.
Part I of our series will be published on Tuesday, June 24
