Andrοs Payiatsos
Read Part A of this series here
The coup, the war, the displacement of 200,000 refugees, and the huge anger of Greek Cypriot society against the far right nationalists opened a period with revolutionary characteristics in south Cyprus. For about six months, there was no authority genuinely recognized by Greek Cypriot society. The coup government under the ridiculous Nikos Sampson lasted eight days before collapsing. He was replaced by Glafkos Clerides, the President of Parliament, but the main demand of the Cypriot people was the full restoration of democracy with the return of Makarios, who had fled (on July 15) to the British bases and from there to London.
Makarios returned to Cyprus in December 1974. It is estimated that about half the island’s population went to welcome him at the Archbishop’s Palace in Nicosia.
The socialist party EDEK was the only force that called for mobilization, although the EOKA B fascists were still free, defiant, and armed on the streets. EDEK denounced the regime that followed Sampson’s fall as the “post-coup regime” which effectively covered up for the coup plotters (most of whom then joined Clerides’ party, DISY – Democratic Rally). On August 30, Cypriot fascists ambushed Vassos Lyssarides, the leader of EDEK. Although the bullets missed Lyssarides, they killed Doros Loizou, a prominent party member and one of its youth wing (EDEN) leaders. Doros Loizou immediately became a symbol of resistance and revolution. This legacy endures even though today’s EDEK has betrayed the ideals for which Doros and many other fighters sacrificed their lives for, in the 1970s.
In his first speech from the Archdiocese, Makarios offered an “olive branch” (he literally threw an olive branch) to the fascists! He forgave the criminals responsible for the blood bath on the island, and proposed reconciliation and “national unity” so that the Greek Cypriot people could move forward together. For the more militant part of the fighters who had struggled for his return (like the EDEN youth who were at the forefront of the massive rally) the shock was indescribable. The next day, questions began to emerge: “What is happening?”, “Why are the fascist elements in the army and the state machine not being arrested?”, “Where is he taking us?”, “How do we proceed?”.
Makarios’ return marked a turning point—taking the initiative away from the struggling people and gradually returning it to the political leaders. However, this situation unfolded because the left-wing parties of the time, AKEL and EDEK, not only allowed it to happen, but actively sought it out.
EDEK: Catalyst of Developments
1974 marked the year when a previously small party decisively entered Cyprus’s political arena and played an important role in shaping events. This party was the Socialist Party EDEK. At that time, radical socialist parties were emerging in several Southern European countries, such as Greece, Portugal, and Spain. EDEK though, had its unique characteristics. As a response to the armed violence of the fascist-nationalists of EOKA B, EDEK also had armed militias, as mentioned earlier. It also had close ties with the Palestinian resistance and other anti-colonial movements. EDEK members received military training in Palestinian camps in the Middle East, while Palestinian fighters visited the Cypriot mountains to conduct military drills with EDEK’s assistance.
Founded in the late 1960s, in its first period EDEK was a moderate centrist party but quickly moved to the left. This shift was partly due to Cyprus’s specific circumstances, where the armed presence of the fascist EOKA B, supported by the Greek junta, awakened the more militant elements of society. Additionally, major international events such as the Colonial Revolutions (the uprisings in colonized countries against the imperialist metropolises mainly of Britain, France, and the USA), May 1968 in France, the Vietnam War, and the Chilean coup, ect, influenced EDEK. A new generation of youth seeking answers in Marxism saw EDEK as the most suitable platform for their struggle. Thus, the youth of the party, EDEN, acquired very radical left-wing characteristics, with clear references to revolution, socialism and Marxism.
EDEN gained prominence and rapidly grew, since the traditional left party in Cyprus, AKEL, was not meeting the needs of the time.
The Limits of AKEL
AKEL (Progressive Party of Working People) was the first political party founded in Cyprus, in 1926 (initially named the Communist Party of Cyprus), and it initiated the creation of PEO, the first and most significant trade union confederation on the island. AKEL united both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot workers in its ranks and within PEO.
In theory, AKEL could have restrained the rise of nationalism in Cyprus, especially after 1955 when the initiative had shifted towards EOKA. However, it adopted a passive stance, clinging to Makarios, whom it viewed as a “progressive section” of the ruling class. These ideas were far from revolutionary Marxism; instead, the pro-Soviet communist parties internationally had long since adopted Stalinism, which sought alliances with supposedly “progressive” capitalists. The Greek experience of the “national unity” policy of KKE (Communist Party of Greece) after the Nazi occupation, which led to a disaster is a clear example of where these policies led.
AKEL’s Historical Role and Missteps
In 1931, the Communist Party of Cyprus (CCP) played a leading role in the “October” uprising against the British. This was not solely a Greek-Cypriot affair; Turkish-Cypriots also contributed. Following the uprising, the CCP was outlawed, and its members were exiled. In response, the banned CCP founded AKEL in 1941 as a “front”, eventually merging with it.
However, unlike in 1931, AKEL did not take the initiative in 1955. EOKA was given free rein, despite its assassinations of AKEL cadres (Grivas’ EOKA is estimated to have killed over 200 AKEL members, branding them as “traitors”).
Also, instead of developing a dynamic anti-fascist struggle that was demanded during EOKA B’s years, AKEL tail-ended Makarios. It refrained from establishing its own militias, suggesting instead that some of its members join Makarios’ forces – a suggestion that never materialized. In contrast, all the other forces, both Greek and Turkish nationalists, Makarios with his Reserve, and EDEK had armed sections as mentioned above.
These policies created a void that EDEK filled with its militant resistance against EOKA B and the coup itself.
EDEK: From Revolutionary Vanguard to Capitulation and Degeneration
EDEK was at the forefront of post-war movements. The first mass demonstration was the funeral of Doros Loizou. Notably, the second phase of the Turkish invasion began on August 14, and on August 30 there was the attempt to assassinate Vassos Lyssarides, resulting in the death of Doros Loizou. This highlights the priorities and the identity of the nationalist right-wing extremists.
EDEN, the youth wing of EDEK, became a mass militant organization with a particularly strong presence among high school students. It promoted a socialist perspective and closely followed international developments, such as the fall of the dictatorships in Greece and Portugal, Allende’s Chile (despite the Pinochet coup), and the Vietnam War, among countless other movements shaking the planet. EDEN students initiated the formation of the “Doros Loizou Youth” immediately after schools reopened after his death (Doros was a teacher). This youth organization quickly became dominant in schools. Many of the best elements of Cypriot youth, including members of AKEL’s youth wing (EDON), were drawn to EDEK and EDEN.
EDEK’s Initial Success and Subsequent Decline
EDEK’s early success lay in its militant character and socialist orientation. However, over time, the party began to shift away from these principles. This capitulation and degeneration resulted in EDEK moving away from its radical roots, compromising with more moderate and conservative elements. This shift alienated many of its initial supporters, leading to a decline in its influence and effectiveness.
In summary, EDEK’s story is one of initial revolutionary zeal and significant impact, especially in the context of the Cyprus conflict and its aftermath. However, the party’s later capitulation and deviation from its founding principles highlight the challenges faced by revolutionary movements in maintaining their integrity and commitment to their original ideals.
The Decline of EDEK and Its Lessons
The capitulation of Vassos Lyssarides and the EDEK leadership’s alignment with Makarios after his return marked a significant turning point for the party. This shift, coupled with the constant right-wing trajectory of the party’s leadership, halted EDEK’s upward momentum and ushered in a period of internal conflict. Despite this, the left wing within EDEK remained strong, exerting considerable influence through its control of the party’s youth wing and its appeal in provincial and grassroots organizations. The Limassol provincial organization (the second largest in the island), in particular, aligned with the left.
The EDEK bureaucracy’s efforts to consolidate control and steer the party towards a more traditional social-democratic, right-wing stance, led to the systematic purging of its left-wing elements. The first expulsions occurred in 1980, targeting the youth leadership and the Limassol provincial leadership, and the purges continued for years.
The bureaucracy’s attempts to reshape EDEK into a conventional social-democratic party effectively led to its destruction. Today, EDEK has reached an appalling nadir, collaborating with ELAM (National People’s Front – the affiliate of Greece’s Golden Dawn), the neo-fascist descendants of EOKA B, who were responsible for the murder of EDEK’s own members. The party’s endorsement of a “Grivas Museum” epitomizes its complete degeneration.
The internal conflict within EDEK mirrored broader international conflicts within the Left of the time. About one decade later, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the restoration of capitalism in 1990-91 plunged the international Left, including its more radical currents, into a prolonged period of decline from which it is still trying to recover.
The late 1970s imparted two critical lessons. First, an organization can rapidly gain mass support if it stays attuned to societal needs and provides leadership to social struggles, as demonstrated by EDEK at its height. Second, the ideological debates and struggles within EDEK, particularly within its youth wing EDEN, equipped a generation of militants with a class analysis of the Cyprus issue. This analysis remains alive within several anti-capitalist left organizations today.
Part C, the last part of this series, “Why the Problem Remains Unsolved: What Can the Anti-Capitalist Left Do?” will be posted tomorrow.
