Nikos Anastasiadis
As a response to our article “The new Trump presidency: a ‘golden age’ for US imperialism?”, we received an article by an independent socialist from Ireland, John Simpson, titled “Fascism and the New Trump Presidency”, which we were happy to publish.
In his article, John makes some valuable points regarding the current situation in the US and around the world and also takes up important historical aspects of how the Nazis rose to power in the interwar period. Comrade J. Simpson draws certain parallels between the situation in the ‘30’s and now. He writes:
“Fascist salutes from the stage at the Trump inauguration certainly harken back to the posturing of Nazis in the Europe of the 1920’s and 30’s, but the emerging fascism of the 21st century will not necessarily be an exact replica of what happened back then…”
“Why then wouldn’t the US ruling class, in desperate straits, throw its weight fully behind Trump and utilise some of the fascist methods of 1930’s Nazi Germany to attack workers? … Fascist type tactics are but some of the many at their disposal.”
In general, we would agree that fascist regimes cannot be excluded in the future and that even in “developed” countries with a long tradition of “parliamentary democracy”, sections of the ruling class will pursue such aims and fascist methods when they feel that their system is threatened. At the same time, we are confident that comrade John agrees with us that we are not at this stage yet and that there are still important differences with the interwar period, when fascists initially rose to power. In the following article we take up some of the points related to the discussion that is taking place internationally about the character of the Far Right and the danger of fascism in our epoch.
We would welcome further contributions to this discussion.
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Elon Musk’s nazi salute and the erratic behaviour of Trump and his cabinet have added fuel to the ongoing fired-up discussion about whether Trump is a fascist.
Former Vice President Harris, when asked if she thought Trump was a fascist said “Yes, I do.” Robert Reich, a left-leaning Democrat, recently published a video with the title “Is Trump a Fascist?”, in which he replies positively. The dehumanising way in which Trump talks about immigrants is compared to the Nazi’s persecution of the Jews. The idea floated by Trump that Canada could be annexed to become the ‘51st state’ is compared to the Anschluss, Hitlers’ annexation of Austria in 1938 (and is dubbed ‘Canschluss’). But beyond the bourgeois press, some on the Left have also raised the idea that the Trump regime has ‘fascistic’ characteristics- e.g. the Socialist Party of Ireland (former section of the CWI and later the ISA) published an article with the title “The return of Trump and the fascistic billionaire regime”. Izquierda Revolutionaria (former IMT and CWI) have also published an article talking about the “fascist aspirations of the Trump administration”.
This is an important discussion. People opposed to Trump, the far-right and fascism should get right what exactly they are faced with in order to act accordingly. An underestimation of the enemy can have disastrous effects, as was clearly shown in the ‘30’s, where both Social Democratic and Communist parties were largely caught unaware by the coming to power of Hitler and Mussolini. But the overestimation of the enemy is also a mistake that can lead to disasters. Presenting the situation as if fascism has already prevailed can lead to people throwing their hands up in the air out of desperation. So let’s try to unpack what is going on here.
Parallels
A number of commentators point to Trump’s aggressive foreign policy (exemplified in his comments on Panama Canal, Greenland, the plan to ‘own’ Gaza and kick out the Palestinians who live there, and so many more) as proof of his ‘fascism’. It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss the exact path that Trump seems likely to follow in terms of foreign policy. But in any case, we should point out that aggressive foreign policy is not a trait only of fascists. Imperialism existed before fascism and not all imperialists are fascists. Nobody calls the British Empire ‘fascist’ but it has pursued an expansionist policy over centuries. Actually, the British empire invaded 171 out of 193 countries worldwide, leaving only 22 with the fortune of not being invaded by it. The Korean war, one of USs’ more brutal wars, was kickstarted by Democrat Truman. This is just to cite two examples.
Other commentators point out to the nationalist and racist rhetoric of Trump and the fact that he has the open support of US’s oligarchs, exemplified by the photo of the world’s richest people standing beside him at his inauguration ceremony.
Trump definitely is a racist, sexist, nationalist individual. He also has aspirations to stop the decay of US imperialism and expand its territory. Νow he seems to have the support of a significant section of the US ruling class, especially its top echelons.
But neither nationalism, nor the firm support of the tops of the ruling class can be considered sole traits of fascism. So, what is fascism?
Fascism is a vicious dictatorial regime based on a mass movement
A fascist regime is not just a very authoritarian capitalist government, although this may be the meaning that many people tend to give to the word in everyday language.
Historically, fascism was the term used to characterise regimes with certain specific features.
Fascist regimes destroyed the democratic institutions and rights that were won by social struggles.
Hitler rose to power on January 30, 1933. By the end of February, he issued the “Decree for the Protection of People and State”, which suspended civil liberties, including freedom of speech, press and assembly, and allowed for the arrest of political opponents. By the end of March, the “Enabling Act” (officially called the “Law to Remedy the Distress of People and Reich“) was put into effect, which granted Hitler’s government the power to enact laws without the approval of the Reichstag (parliament). By May 1933, all trade unions were dissolved and replaced with the German Labour Front (DAF), which was controlled by the Nazi Party. By July 1933 all political parties, except the Nazis of course, were banned. This included right-wing and even far-right parties. Under a process called Gleichschaltung (Coordination), the Nazi regime forced all political, social and economic institutions to abide by the Nazi ideology. The Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, led by Joseph Goebbels, ensured that all information disseminated to the public aligned with Nazi ideology. Books deemed “un-German” were burned in public ceremonies. By 1934, Hitler even purged his own party of potential rivals and critics in the Night of the Long Knives. His Führerprinzip (Leader Principle) established him as the supreme leader, with absolute authority over all aspects of government and society.
It’s clear that the level of repression cannot be compared to today. But still, the dissolution of bourgeois democracy is not a unique characteristic of fascism. Military dictatorships also upend democratic rights and institutions.
The second important characteristic of fascism is its ability to mobilise masses of people to implement its agenda.
It exploits a frantic/devastated segment of the population, particularly among the petit bourgeoisie and lumpen elements, violently crushes every democratic right and strikes against the working class and its struggles.
Military dictatorships base themselves in the repressive mechanisms of the state, which they control. Fascist regimes, while fully utilising the same methods, turbocharge their repressive power by resting on masses of people
In the decade before coming to power, the Nazis established a paramilitary organisation, the SA or Sturmabteilung (“Storm Troops”). By January 1932, the SA numbered approximately 400,000 militants. When it came to power in 1933, the Nazi Party had over 2 million members. In the Nuremberg rally of 1934, in which Hitler spoke, 700,000 people were present.
Trump’s biggest election rally was around 20,000, in a country with 5 times the population of the Weimar Republic. On the January 6, 2021 riots in Washington, while there was a big pro-Trump demo numbering some tens of thousands, only about 2,000 actually stormed the Capitol.
These are not just differences of quantity but of quality.
Fascism uses this huge force to crush the organisations of the working class movement. Fascist paramilitary thugs are not just attacking democratic rights, but try to inflict irreparable damage to the ability of the working class to challenge their rule, destroying its unions and parties.
To sum up, fascism is not just a racist, nationalist regime that wages imperialist wars. It is not only a brutal dictatorship which has the backing of big capital. It is also coupled by a mass movement which uses its force to crush any opposition and destroy the organisations of the working class, particularly after taking power.
Why did fascism prevail in the ‘30’s?
Most of the time and under normal circumstances in capitalism, parliamentary democracy is considered the optimal method of governance, at least in industrially “developed” or relatively “developed” countries. Parliamentary democracy can provide certain safety valves, checks and balances that allow the ruling class to manage its affairs in a relatively smooth way, avoiding great social revolts by the working class that challenge its power.
If so, why did the ruling class give the green light to the fascists in the interwar period to come to power? And can it happen again under situations of economic crisis?
The effects of WWI and the Great Depression of 1929 had catastrophic consequences on capitalist economies. The German economy was in a devastating state. At its peak in November 1923, hyperinflation reached an astronomical rate of 29,500% per month.
By late 1923, 1 US dollar was worth 4.2 trillion German marks. In 1918, a loaf of bread cost about 0.63 marks. By November 1923, it cost 200 billion marks. Unemployment soared from 1.6 million in 1929 to over 6 million by 1932 (about 30% of the workforce). Industrial output fell by 40% between 1929 and 1932. At the same time, Germany had to pay reparations assigned by the Treaty of Versailles to the tune of 132 billion gold marks (equivalent to about $33 billion USD at the time).
It is obvious that the crisis that the big capitalist economies are now facing cannot be compared with the impact of the ‘29 crisis. The impossible situation faced by German capitalism definitely played a huge role in the shift inside the ruling class that gave Hitler the go-ahead. But, there was another crucial factor: the fear of the working class.
The main reason for the ruling class to hand over the keys of the state to an unstable figure that would cause this historic disruption was that a socialist revolution was on the agenda. The working class had immense power. The Left parties of different stripes, even though they were mostly of a reformist or Stalinist character, still represented a force that could play a role in shaping events. At the same time, the existence of the USSR acted as a beacon of hope and attracted people that were fed up with the misery of capitalism.
For a number of ruling classes the dilemma was such: they would either risk having a revolution and losing it all or they would grudgingly accept the fascist plebeians. They choose the latter.
Today, there is a striking difference. Unfortunately, nowhere in the world is the question of power posed. Nowhere does the working class movement or the Left have enough forces and roots to threaten capitalism. This being granted, the ruling class is not willing to take this risk at the moment because they have no fear for the continuation of their rule.
‘Creeping fascism’?
All the above do not mean to say that we should in any way underestimate the dangers presented by Trump, his authoritarian rule and his far-right cabal in the US and worldwide. Trump represents a real threat to working class interests and there must be a fightback against his policies. His propaganda also shifts the public discourse to more inhumane avenues that normalize racism, repression and exploitation. Moreover, his actions boost the morale of the ‘far-right of the Far-right’ i.e. the fascists, allowing for them enough room to grow.
Of course, there is no rigid barrier that separates the ‘moderate’ far-right with authoritarianism or with fascism. They are born of the same womb and there are interactions between them. But we think it’s important for the movement to make these distinctions in order to navigate its actions.
An example would be the experience of the Greek anti-fascist movement in the past 15 years. The sovereign debt crisis of the early 2010s in Greece was so acute that it propelled the “radical” left reformist (at the time) party of Syriza to power. But it also created the biggest openly neo-Nazi party in Europe, Golden Dawn. GD had to be confronted with a different way than previous far-right parties. The danger it represented was much more imminent and grave, so more energy and attention had to be devoted to fighting against it. The physical attacks by its street battalions had to be answered not only on political terms but also by organising mass self-defence. Efforts had to be made so that its public activities were (physically) cancelled through mass campaigns and mobilizations and not just be politically denounced.
Some have coined the term ‘creeping fascism’ to say that a process of a fascist regime being implemented by Trump is not completed, but is slowly underway. Definitely, we should guard and fight back against any shifts towards far-right, authoritarian or fascist policies, which will be on the agenda. But, the issue posed is not about Trump’s personal ambitions. Trump may or may not have in mind to gradually push things in the direction of fascism. But the crucial factor is not Trump as a person and how much he resembles Hitler. What we have to consider in order to judge the character of the US regime is what is the balance of social forces and if this balance allows for a fascist regime in the US. Based on the previous analysis, we don’t think that this is on the cards in the foreseeable future. In the meantime, we need to fight Trump, the far-right and the fascists now, for the danger they currently represent to the working class. And the working class still has huge power if it wields it in a correct fashion.
In the ‘30’s, the leaderships of the workers movement made a huge mistake in underestimating the fascists. Goebbels wrote
“If the enemy had known how weak we were, it would probably have reduced us to jelly”
But the Communist and Social Democratic parties allowed them to come to power thinking that the danger is not big, and is not in fact existential.
We now face a trend of overestimation of the likes of Trump. This is also wrong and can be damaging to the interests of the working class and the oppressed layers of the population.
